A Note on the Usage of the Term ‘Neo-Fascism’

 సిపియం 24వ మహాసభ తీర్మానం పై అదనపు నోట్. 

ఏప్రిల్ 2-6 తేదీల్లో మధురైలో జరుగునున్న సిపిఐ 24వ మహాసభల ముసాయిదా తీర్మానాన్ని నెల క్రితమే సిపిఎం కేంద్ర కమిటి చర్చ కోసం విడుదల చేసింది. 

ఇందులో ఫాసిజం - నయా-ఫాసిజం - ఫాసిస్టుపోకడలు అనే అంశాలు చర్చనీయంగా మారాయి. దాని మీద సిపియం కేంద్ర కమిటి మరో నోట్ ను విడుదల చేసింది అని  మళయాళ పత్రిక  CHINTH ఒక వార్త ప్రచురించింది. ఈ పత్రికకు మళయాళంలో సిపియంకు అనుకూలంగా ప్రచారం చేస్తుందని పేరుందట. 

ఆ మళయాళంలో వచ్చిన వార్తకు ఇది తెలుగులో AI  అనువాదం. ఆసక్తి వున్నవారు చదవవచ్చు. 

A Note on the Usage of the Term ‘Neo-Fascism’ (Prepared by the CPI(M) Polit Bureau)

https://chintha.in/?p=15087

The draft political resolution states: "The imposition of a regressive Hindutva agenda and the authoritarian zeal to suppress the opposition and democracy exhibit neo-fascist characteristics." This is the first time we have used the term ‘neo-fascist’ in the section addressing the national political situation.

Previously, during the 22nd Congress, we had described the authoritarian Hindutva attacks as "growing tendencies with fascist characteristics." In the 23rd Congress, we stated that the Modi government was implementing the RSS’s fascist agenda.

What does the term ‘neo-fascism’ mean? The prefix ‘neo’ means either something new or a contemporary manifestation of something from the past. The term ‘neo-fascism’ is used to distinguish the current phenomenon from classical fascism, which emerged in Europe between the two World Wars, as seen in Mussolini’s Italy or Hitler’s Germany. During this period, the global capitalist crisis culminated in the Great Depression from 1929 to 1933, intensifying contradictions within imperialism. Both World War I and World War II were results of these contradictions. After seizing power, fascist forces dismantled bourgeois democracy and increased arms production under the guise of war efforts to address the economic crisis. The monopoly capital in these nations fully backed the fascist forces, relying on them to implement extreme measures to overcome the crisis.

Certain aspects of neo-fascism resemble early 20th-century fascism. These include extreme nationalism rooted in historical grievances and perceived injustices, the portrayal of a racial, religious, or ethnic minority as the ‘other,’ and the support of monopoly capital for far-right neo-fascist forces and parties. In India, the RSS and its Hindutva ideology shape neo-fascism. Our party program states that these forces have a fascist character. Under BJP rule, they have gained control over state power. The imposition of Hindutva’s narrow ideological framework, the neoliberal crisis, and authoritarian measures serving the interests of big capital are all elements of neo-fascism in its early form.

Neo-fascism is both a product of the crisis of neoliberalism and a global phenomenon. Neo-fascist forces have emerged in various countries, some even attaining power. Unlike in the 1930s, today’s inter-imperialist contradictions are muted due to the expansion of global finance capital. Consequently, neo-fascist regimes are not immediately inclined towards war due to inter-imperialist conflicts. Instead, they exploit the neoliberal crisis and growing public dissatisfaction through populist rhetoric. However, once in power, they do not abandon neoliberal policies. Instead, they continue them in alignment with the interests of monopoly capital. Another distinction from classical fascism is that neo-fascist parties utilize electoral processes to advance their political agenda. Even after gaining power, they do not dismantle electoral democracy; rather, they manipulate it while simultaneously suppressing the opposition and using authoritarian tactics to consolidate control. They work from within the state structure to reshape governance in their favor over the long term.

We have stated that the current political system under BJP-RSS rule is a Hindutva-corporate authoritarian regime "exhibiting neo-fascist characteristics." However, we do not claim that the Modi government itself is fascist or neo-fascist, nor do we characterize the Indian state as a neo-fascist regime. Over ten years of BJP-RSS rule have solidified their political dominance, manifesting in the "features of neo-fascism." The term "features" refers to tendencies or characteristics, rather than an outright fascist government or system. The political resolution warns that if BJP-RSS are not confronted and halted, Hindutva-corporate authoritarianism will escalate towards full-fledged neo-fascism.

This position differs from that of CPI and CPI(ML). The CPI describes the Modi government as a fascist regime, while CPI(ML) has declared that fascism is already in place in India.

https://chintha.in/?p=15087

Note on the Term "Neo-Fascism"
17 February 2025
(Prepared by the CPI(M) Politburo)

1. The draft political resolution states: "The neo-fascist traits on display reflect the push to impose a reactionary Hindutva agenda and the authoritarian excesses aimed at suppressing opposition and democracy." This marks the first time the term "neo-fascist" has been used in the national context section of our political resolution.

2. Earlier, at the 22nd Congress, we noted that the authoritarian Hindutva assaults exhibited "growing fascist tendencies." At the 23rd Congress, we highlighted that the Modi government was implementing the fascist agenda of the RSS.

3. What does "Neo-Fascism" mean? The term "neo" signifies "new" or a contemporary form of something old. "Neo-fascism" distinguishes today’s manifestations from classical fascism, which emerged in interwar Europe under regimes like Mussolini’s Italy or Hitler’s Germany. Classical fascism arose amid the global capitalist crisis, culminating in the Great Depression (1929–1933), and sharpened inter-imperialist contradictions that led to the World Wars. After seizing power, fascist forces dismantled bourgeois democracy, escalated arms production under the guise of resolving economic crises, and were fully backed by monopoly capital. Monopoly capitalists relied on fascist forces to adopt extreme measures to overcome crises.

4. Similarities to classical fascism include hyper-nationalism rooted in historical grievances, the vilification of racial/religious/tribal minorities, and support from big bourgeoisie to far-right neo-fascist forces. In India, neo-fascism is shaped by the RSS and Hindutva ideology, which our party program identifies as fascist in character. Under BJP rule, they have consolidated power to enforce Hindutva’s narrow ideology, neoliberal crisis-driven policies, and authoritarianism aligned with big capital—hallmarks of proto-fascism.

5. Neo-fascism is a product of the neoliberal crisis and a global trend. While neo-fascist forces have gained power in some nations, unlike the 1930s, current inter-imperialist contradictions remain muted due to globalized finance capital. Thus, neo-fascist regimes avoid war but exploit neoliberal crises and public discontent through populist demagoguery. Once in power, they uphold neoliberal policies and serve big capital. Unlike classical fascism, neo-fascist parties leverage elections to advance their agenda, retaining electoral systems while suppressing opposition and entrenching authoritarianism within state structures.

6. We have characterized the BJP-RSS regime as a "Hindutva-corporate authoritarian rule exhibiting neo-fascist traits." While we do not label the Modi government or the Indian state as fully fascist, a decade of uninterrupted BJP-RSS rule has entrenched their power, manifesting "neo-fascist tendencies." The resolution warns that unopposed, this Hindutva-corporate authoritarianism risks sliding into neo-fascism.

7. 
   

8. Divergence from other left perspectives: The CPI terms the Modi government "fascist," while the CPI(ML) claims fascism has already arrived in India. Our stance differs, emphasizing the danger of neo-fascist tendencies rather than a fully realized fascist state.

---

Translated with attention to theoretical nuance and political context

1.

At the 22nd Congress, held between 18 and 22 April 2018 at Hyderabad,  noted that "the authoritarian Hindutva assaults exhibited "growing fascist tendencies."

2. 

At the 23rd Congress,   held between April 6 and 10 2022 at Kannur in Kerala  noted that the Modi government was implementing the fascist agenda of the RSS.

3

At the 24th Congress held between  April 2 and 6 2025 at Madhuri in Tamilnadu,   noted that "The neo-fascist traits on display reflect the push to impose a reactionary Hindutva agenda and the authoritarian excesses aimed at suppressing opposition and democracy."